The Music Industry During the Colonial Era

The colonial era was the embryonic period of the Indonesian industry of popular music entertainment. Between 1903 and 1917, record labels, such as Gramophone Company, Odeon, Beka, Columbia, Graphophone Company, Parlophone, Anker, Lyrophon, and Bintang Sapoe flourished. Yampolsky reported that Odeon produced 2,614 singles, while others such as Bintang Sapoe and Gramophone produced 1,140 and 632 singles (Yampolsky 2013). !e popular music industry has thrived since the early 20th century with record labels and local companies. Among other private enterprises, Tio Tek Hong began his business in 1904 by importing and distributing phonograph cylinders throughout Indonesia. Popular songs recorded with Tio Tek Hong include Tjente Manis, Boeroeng Nori, Djali-Djali, Tjerai Kasih, Paioeng Patah, Dajoeng Sampan, Kopi Soesoe, and “Sang Bango” among others. !e most significant historical record of Tio Tek Hong’s company is Indonesia’s National Anthem, “Indonesia Raya”, composed by W.R. Supratman. With this record, every Indonesian throughout the country had access to “Indonesia Raya”. Despite its high demand, bought mostly by some elites, several “Indonesia Raya” tape records had been banned by colonial authorities. After the second congress of PNI (Indonesia’s National Party) on 20 May 1929 claimed this song as the national anthem, the Dutch became afraid of the song’s influence (Sularto 1985, 166).

The German record label, Beka, came to Indonesia in 1905. After their record tour in Burma, India, and Egypt recording their local music, they arrived in Indonesia to document music of the Nusantara region, ranging from Javanese gamelan to stambul music. Following this success, Odeon arrived in the archipelago in 1907 and successfully bought Beka’s share in 1911. After1928 Columbia Graphophone Company dominated the scene and eventually changed their name to become EMI records. The popular music recording industry swiftly developed to cater to a Nusantara scene and its musical endeavours.

Shaping the Nation: From the Old to the New Era

Most references on the history of the music industry in Indonesia show the dynamics that began in 1951 when a local company named Irama started producing LP recordings. In 1954, record companies Remaco and Dimita also participated in the industry. Some years later, Lokananta, a state-owned record company founded in Solo in 1955, flourished and dominated the domestic record industry focusing on Javanese music. Its short dominance due to technological changes in the following year resulted in the inclusion of new companies and production techniques in the music industry around the world including Indonesia (Sen and Hill 2000, 195). During this era, under President Soekarno, the presence of foreign culture was, however, considered dangerous, with the potential to damage the struggle of the nation that was looking for an identity. Pancasila (lit. “five pillars”, namely, belief in the one god, humanity, a united nation, democracy, and social justice) and NASAKOM’s (lit. Nationalism and Communism) ideals served as a middle ground and strong foundation for Indonesia to face the challenges of globalisation (Dahm 1987). President Soekarno’s speech entitled “Rediscover Our Revolution” read on 17 August 1959 urged the young generations to stand against neo-colonialism and Western imperialist cultures. !e Liverpool pop band !e Beatles was considered incompatible with the ideals of the new Indonesian nation. !e government assumed that !e Beatles’ songs could have devastating effects on Indonesian young generations. As a result, Koes Bersaudara was imprisoned for singing Beatles songs and composing Beatles-like songs.

The political changes in Indonesia from the Old Order to the New Order in 1965–1966 reopened the national music market to receive Western products and encouraged the growth of new pop bands. Western songs previously banned were heard once again. Songs from Western bands such as !e Beatles, The Rolling Stones, and Deep Purple, and groups from Indonesia such as Koes Brothers, The Rollies, and God Bless, were constantly played on amateur radio stations along with musical performances in major cities in Indonesia crowded with spectators (Sen and Hill 2004). The Koes Brothers, imprisoned during the Soekarno reign, reappeared and became the pioneer pop and rock ‘n’ roll group in Indonesia under the name Koes Plus in 1969. The popularity of this group soared and the group managed to release twenty-three albums in 1974. They released six albums in 1975 and ten albums in 1976. The prominence of Western bands did not only influence Indonesian pop bands. Rhoma Irama with his Soneta group concocted the genre now known as dangdut from applying Led Zeppelin and Deep Purple influences to Malay rhythmic songs. In 1970, dangdut was modernised because the politics in Indonesia during that time allowed Western cultural influences such as electric guitars, percussion, saxophone, and electric organs. Musical instruments paved the way for new variations of dangdut music. In 1977, Rhoma Irama brought dangdut music to be at par with rock music through the “Duel Concert” of God Bless vs. Soneta Group at the Istora Senayan, Jakarta. The event confirmed the position of dangdut music in Indonesia, which was later separated from the Malay music genre and became known as Indonesia’s national popular music genre.

Rhoma Irama with his Soneta group won a place in the hearts of Indonesian citizens. The emergence of Rhoma Irama in the Indonesian world of music and film supported his fame. Posters were installed in village houses and his music was sung everywhere. As a musician, Rhoma became a phenomenon. Not only did he make distinct rhythms with a touch of melayu rock musick, but dangdut songs also depicted social conditions with poetically embedded criticism. In addition to music, Rhoma was also very interested in Islam and eventually Soneta became a platform to chant pitched songs of da’wah (Islamic summons). Following his success in music and movies, Rhoma stepped into politics. It is not surprising that, as a person who fought for Islam, Rhoma joined the PPP (Islamic Party)1 . “I defend PPP lillahitaala as a Muslim, I have to choose a Muslim leader too”, Rhoma said to the media (Sikumbang 2014). Under the PPP, Rhoma naturally had an overwhelming number of supporters. During the two electoral seasons in 1977 and 1982, Rhoma was able to convene millions of people to come to the PPP campaign arena.

Rhoma Irama’s political affiliation, which did not align with the government’s GolKar party, resulted in his being banned from appearing on TVRI (National Television Station). His songs were removed from playlists of RRI (National Radio Station), the circulation of cassettes were inhibited, and acquiring concert permits became increasingly complicated. The highlight of the Rhoma Irama music controversy took place when he received the fatwa haram (forbidden under Islamic law) from the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) in 1984. Rhoma was forbidden to include scriptural verses in his music. From that year, Rhoma and Soneta Group stopped performing for five years. However, when they re-launched a new album, Rhoma Irama did not so”en his criticism in his lyrics.

Every criticism of the government made by Rhoma Irama with Soneta Group echoed widely, not just on the radio and on television, but also during public events such as concerts. As the ruling party, GolKar had to consider the popularity of Rhoma Irama. A”er the 1997 election, Rhoma crossed over to join GolKar and reaped a sharp rebuke from his devotees who were mostly supporters of the PPP party. However, Rhoma had myriad reasons to embrace GolKar. For Rhoma, a party that is Islamic was not enough to fight for Islam. Therefore, Rhoma chose to take shelter under the “Banyan Tree” (GolKar’s symbolic logo). “PPP is indeed voicing aspirations of Islam, but because PPP is not in a winning, superior and dominant position, the results are less effective”, (Sikumbang 2014) Rhoma stated in the media as the reason for his move.

From that moment on, dangdut became a means to mobilise political parties every five years during national elections from the New Order era until the present day. A dangdut singer can sing for any party as long as the singer and group are paid well. Dangdut politicisation was also considered a potential threat to the authorities when the “King of Dangdut” Rhoma Irama supported political parties during the New Order era. The banning of various Rhoma Irama’s concerts was instituted by the authorities at the time. However, the connection between dangdut and political elections does not mean that dangdut has ideological ties with politics. Dangdut functions as the messenger used to mobilise various groups and interests, yet its identity remains autonomous. According to musical sociologist Andrew Weintraub, dangdut music is native to Indonesian culture, and its character is representative of Indonesia because the themes of the songs are close to the lives of people in Indonesian society (Weintraub 2012). The lyrics and music of dangdut mirror the birth of blues music in the United States as seductive and full of miserable life stories of the underprivileged. !e term “dangdut as folk music” is an inherent social identity of the middle and lower classes which constitute the majority of Indonesian citizens. The Koes Brothers, with their “global flavours” of musical choices, were considered inconsistent with the ideology of a nation that was crawling in search of an identity. However, Rhoma Irama was able to blend the rhythm of the Malay and rock genres successfully, receiving a positive response from Indonesians transitioning from regional to global citizens.

Towards Indonesian Reformation

With the collapse of the New Order regime, political reforms were initiated to attempt to change the previous order by starting to think about social justice through a systematic decentralisation of the government. The change from a Javanese centralised system to regional autonomy inevitably changed the voyage of Indonesian popular music industries. The transition resulted in the emergence of regional pop music industries. In line with technological developments that facilitated independent music production systems, major label companies no longer monopolised the distribution market, and indie labels began to grow from local to international distribution. Prior to the reformation era the Indonesian music industry was monopolised by international distribution companies. This evoked a spirit of anti-“mainstreamism”, which became known as the “indie movement”. Some indie pop music groups were considered capable of changing the views of the community about the market situation of the music industry in Indonesia. In the midst of a capitalist ideology that dominated the Indonesian pop music industry, emerging streams of music were produced in the name of freedom. This movement set indie groups apart from the intervention of capitalists while presenting entertainment to a society that was hungry for entertainment. Behind the rise of Indonesian pop music, there was a flow of artists in Indonesia that carried creative musical approaches against the interests of the cultural industry. Freedom of expression is one reason why this music genre is called “independent music”. Starting from the production process to the distribution of the album, everything is done independently. Unlike pop music that became a mass-produced commodity, the indie movement provided a different colour and message amidst national pop music uniformity. At the same time, songs with the theme of resistance began to fill the music market in Indonesia. Disappointment with the ruling regime mobilised the masses to unite people and crush social injustices. Songs with critical lyrics became a powerful weapon to incite the spirit of the masses to take action. Iwan Fals’s and Slank’s popularity represent this phenomenon very well.

One of the largest indie groups in Indonesia is Slank. Slank began in December 1983, with the initial name of Cikini Stone Complex (CSC), performing songs from the Rolling Stones, the British group that Slank members idolised. Slank combined pop, rock ‘n’ roll, blues, and ethics with simple lyrics. Slank’s first album in 1990 exploded on the market with the hit song “Maafkan” (Forgive) and received an award at BASF as the best newcomer. In 1994, Slank founded its own label called PISS Records which then turned into Slank Records. From then on Slank launched work independently. Slank has a large number of fans known as Slankers scattered all over the country. !e number of registered Slankers has reached three million people, with the number of fans on social media reaching seven million. Slank read the zeitgeist and depicted existing social conditions which made every album break sales records. The four main themes of Slank’s albums are social politics, love, the youth movement, and the environment, conveyed through simple and straightforward lyrics. !e peak of Slank’s events took place on the streets with a resistance song and supported by a large number of Slankers in a demonstration calling for political reformation. Given their power to control masses, members of the group were approached by many politicians to enter the world of politics. However, given their indie spirit and their philosophy, Slank remained independent, but not for long.

The Democratic Fiesta and a New Chapter of the Indonesian Music Industry

At noon in 2014, under a bright sun, the Gelora Bung Karno stadium in Jakarta was filled with millions of people wearing the colour red. On the day of the last round of the presidential campaign, candidate Jokowi-JK was enlivened by hundreds of artists. Revolusi Harmoni, Konser Salam Dua Jari (lit. The Harmonious Revolution, Two Fingers Greeting Concert) was the title. Musicians openly declared themselves supporters of the presidential candidate. Slank, the most prevalent Indonesian rock band whose lyrics are infused with social criticism, were not to be missed as they openly declared their support of Jokowi-JK

At first, the survey institute said that the probability of the presidential candidate ticket of Prabowo–Hatta winning was superior. However, everything changed when the musicians joined the Revolusi Harmoni and declared their support for Jokowi-JK on 11 June 2014. Of the many musicians who joined the Revolusi Harmoni, the most striking was the three-decade long group Slank. The guitarist of Slank, Abdee Negara, stated, “Because we see that there is hope for the future of Indonesia to get better, becoming bigger as it should be, through the idea of a Mental Revolution initiated by Jokowi-JK” (Sikumbang, 2014). Abdee Negara also mentioned that as a form of support for Jokowi-JK, the Revolusi Harmoni community for the Mental Revolution created a song titled “Salam Dua Jari” (“Greeting with Two Fingers”) made specifically by Slank to invite the masses to support Jokowi. !e number two was set by the Election Commission for Jokowi-JK. The signs “two” and “two fingers” signify “the second candidate” of the 2014 Indonesian presidential election (Jokowi-JK) arranged by the Election Commission of Jokowi-JK for their campaign. Two fingers are often associated as a symbol of peace used by Slank to signify social power for change. Slank could not be underestimated: the Jakarta-based band had millions of fans throughout Indonesia. A”er the concert, Jokowi’s position skyrocketed upward to 47.8 percent compared to Prabowo–Hatta with 44.2 percent (Antara June 2014).

Support came not only from national musicians. The day before the presidential election, Arkana, through the @arkana official Twitter account, wrote on 8 July 2014, “Vote Jokowi for better and stronger future in Indonesia! Say Yes to Democracy Arkarna Vote Jokowi #Jokowi9Juli”. Additionally, other renowned musicians such as Jason Mraz and Sting also provided support for Jokowi. Jason wrote in his twitter account @jason_mraz, “To my friends in Indonesia, this week you are empowered with your vote! Get involved in democracy & be heard! #Jokowi9Juli #yes!” While Sting wrote “Use your rights – every vote counts #Jokowi9Juli” on his Facebook account www.facebook.com/sting.

Jokowi won the presidential election. The General Elections Commission (KPU) determined that of thirty-three provinces, Jokowi-Kalla earned 53.15 percent or 70,633,576 votes while Prabowo–Hatta won 46.85 percent or 62,262,844 votes. Within this new political sphere, the involvement of musicians on the political stage increased and became increasingly public. Aside from support, many musicians also tried to become politicians. Fame became a form of great capital for the distribution of music. Political support both from local and international groups indicated unique patterns of the new digital millennia. Slank was no longer “independent” and had allied itself with one political party. The New Order era passed while the Reformation Era arrived at its peak. The hegemony that had been collapsing for more than three decades gave Indonesian citizens a taste of freedom. !e acquired freedom has had a major impact on the music industry in Indonesia. Songs with themes of love affairs and infidelity have adorned the music in Indonesia since the early 2000s. Indonesian society experienced a period during which the decline of confidence in the government brought distrust among couples. Aside from love affairs and infidelity, themes of Indonesian songs also became vulgar and described sexual relationships that were once taboo but became very prominent. At the same time, groups that seemed to be anti-government slowly took sides with different political parties.

Market logics and pop music operate as an inseparable dualism. Both have major implications in the formation of ideology and in building supporters. These implications, according to Adorno (1997), are the starting point of the cultural industry logic movement that developed as a project of homogenisation of taste. Concretely, this effect is evident from how tastes, attitudes, styles of dressing, and identity construction are chosen and conducted almost entirely with the same mindset. It is a representation of a collective identity that reflects the nation. Pop music consumed by society depicts a significant similarity where it becomes “standardised” both in terms of musical patterns and lyrics (Adorno 1997). !e simplicity of the lyrics reveals the lives of people, a revelation that at times becomes the role of the music industry in Indonesia (Aryandari 2018, 89).

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